Author: Lily Philbrook

Mistreatment of women in the workplace has been a long-standing issue for decades, but has gained attention since the rise of the #MeToo movement in the United States in 2017. Even after the impact that #MeToo has had in the cultural mind, many still argue that workplace sexism does not truly happen, that it is all in the victim’s mind, or that it is such a subtle and/or rare experience that there is no need to implement any regulations to create a better work environment for women. In a more critical sense, some would argue that our patriarchal, misogynistic society does not recognize the issues women deal with in the workplace because it would necessitate a complete dismantling of the workplace, which could dismantle our society. 

There are two studies that outline that workplace mistreatment does occur, and how it impacts women in the workplace. Schilt (2006) conducts a study on stealth transgender men in the workplace to assess if and how men experience advantages in the workplace. These participants had the unique perspective of being a woman in the workplace pre-transition and being able to directly compare it to being a man in the workplace post-transition. Through this study, Schilt (2006) finds that these transgender men experienced several advantages in the workplace after their transition, including: increased beliefs by others of their authority and competency, increased respect and recognition, and possible economic gains. They received better evaluations from their higher-ups, coworkers listened to them more, they had an easier time getting jobs, they received increased support and resources to complete projects, and gained bodily autonomy – including less sexual harassment and comments.

As opposed to the advantages men receive in the workplace as perceived and explained by the transgender men in Schilt’s (2006) study, Manuel et. al (2017) measures workplace sexism to see how it affects women’s health and overall workplace experience, including job security, autonomy, and stress. The authors also measure these factors in combination with presenteeism, which is when an employee comes in to work sick instead of using a sick day. Throughout their study, Manuel et. al (2017) find that women who perceive that their workplace as sexist perceive lower job security and autonomy, more work-related stress, rate themselves as having more symptoms of poor health, and higher rates of presenteeism (or lower absenteeism).

Given the advantages that men experience within the workplace, as outlined by Schilt’s (2006) findings, are subtle to those in higher positions or not part of a marginalized community (like women, people of color, or those part of the LGBTQ+ community), it is seemingly hard to pinpoint whether workplace sexism happens. However, since the participants in Schilt’s (2006) study have experienced being in American workplaces as a man and a woman, her findings only bolster the findings in Manuel et. al’s (2017) study. Women don’t only miss out on the social and economic advantages that men receive in the workplace, but this form of workplace inequality through sexism also disadvantages women by impacting their overall job experience, their long-term health, and even leading them to go to work while sick (increased presenteeism) instead of recuperating at home. 

This fits within the U.S.’ neoliberal, capitalist, misogynistic ideals. Our society automatically deems women as unworthy, less knowledgeable, and incapable before she enters the workforce. Once she does enter the workforce, she is still unworthy and incapable, and is seen as less of a workplace asset and more of a loss (of a home asset). Women are dehumanized and objectified, with their sole worth being what service they can provide in the domestic sphere. This is where they are most valuable in a patriarchal and capitalist society, to help reproduce the next generation of workers and to help sustain current workers. By depriving women in the workplace of the social, physical, and economic benefits men in the workplace receive automatically, America’s patriarchal, neoliberal, capitalist system works overtime to push women back into the domestic sphere. If being disadvantaged and mistreated in the workplace doesn’t work, increasing women’s work stressors and having higher rates of presenteeism will surely nip their notion of gender equality and the right to work.

Manuel, Sara K., Kristina Howansky, Kimerly E. Chaney, and Diana T. Sanchez. 2017. “No Rest for the Stigmatized: A Model of Organizational Health and Workplace Sexism (OHWS)”. Sex Roles 77: 697-708. 

Schilt, Kristen. 2006. “Just One of the Guys?: How Transmen Make Gender Visible at Work”. Gender & Society 20(4):465-490. doi:10.1177/0891243206288077

Written by: Lily Philbrook

The next study I discuss by Lisnek et. al (2022) that I will be using for my paper uses a survey to conduct three separate studies on linkages/perceptions between women having more of a voice – through movements like #MeToo – and men feeling increasingly victimized. When this study talks about men’s victimization, they are referring to the notion that innocent men are being accused of sexual assault/harassment that they did not commit. 

The first study explores the connection between women having an increased voice and power and increased perceptions of men’s victimization. Lisnek et. al (2022) found that participants being conservative was positively associated with increased perceptions of men’s victimization, increased perceptions of women having an increased voice was positively associated with perceptions of men’s victimization, and male participants were more likely to perceive men’s victimization than female participants.

The second study by Lisnek et. al (2022) tested to see how perceptions of women’s increased voice, perceptions of men’s victimization, and the #MeToo movement interact with each other. In this study, the authors found that men had increased perceptions of women having increased voice and power and conservative political affiliation had a positive relationship with perceptions of men’s victimization. 

The third study by Lisnek et. al (2022) wanted to see how perceptions of women’s increased voice among conservative participants related to perceptions of men’s victimization. The authors found that conservative men were more likely to prefer to not work alone with women, and even more so if they were exposed to an article about #MeToo; conservative male participants were less likely to advocate for #MeToo policies (like less sexual harassment and abuse in the workplace); and conservative male participants rated women as more comfortable working alone with men than the liberal male participants rated them.

Overall, Lisnek et. al’s (2022) study finds that not only does gender matter in perceptions of increased women’s voice, men’s victimization, and #MeToo issues, but so does political ideology. More specifically, male conservatives are less receptive of #MeToo issues, are hyper-aware and less accepting of women having increased voice and power and perceive men as facing increased possibility of being accused (when innocent) due to #MeToo and women’s empowerment. This article is important and relevant to my paper because it showcases how in a society that is dominated by masculinity, neoliberalism, capitalism, and the patriarchy, that a movement like #MeToo empowering women will be perceived as directly trying to dismantle men’s power and the status quo. This will lead to more harsh media framing to subdue women’s voices, which directly impacts the efficacy of the #MeToo movement.

Lisnek, Jaclyn A., Clara L. Wilkins, Megan E. Wilson, and Pierce D. Ekstrom. 2022. “Backlash Against the #MeToo Movement: How Women’s Voice Causes Men to Feel Victimized.” Group Processes and Intergroup Relations Volume 25(3): 682-702.

Written by: Lily Philbrook

Starkey et. al (2019) conduct this study to figure out how “silence breakers” occur in media in different nations – the United States, Japan, Australia, and India – and what other frames are used in regards to silence breakers. Silence breakers is a term that came from a Time Magazine issue, talking about those who have stepped up and spoken up about sexual violence and #MeToo experiences. Although this study includes a cross-national analysis, I will be mostly focusing on Starkey et. al’s (2019) analysis on the United States for this semester paper which focuses on comparing the United States and Sweden.

Starkey et. al (2019) introduces Hofstede Insights Country Comparison, which explores certain cultural factors that can affect cultural receptivity of the #MeToo movement. These factors include power distance, individualism, and masculinity. Power distance is defined as how little or much a society aligns with the concept that people have different levels of power and privilege, leading to inequality within the society. Individualism is defined as how little or much the people in a society value individual priorities over societal priorities. Masculinity is defined as how strong and inherent gender socialization is within societies; how stoic and strong men should be and how motherly and gentle women should be. The United States scored lower than the other countries when it came to power distance, had the highest score in individualism, and scored second highest in masculinity. This indicates that the United States does not recognize power differences and inequality as much as other countries, highly values individualism and heroism, and buys into gender norms and expectations heavily. This relates to Starkey et. al’s (2019) analysis because as reluctance to inequality, neoliberalism, and gender norms increases, so does the likelihood that media will be hesitant to accept #MeToo silence breakers and portray the movement as a surprise and cautionary tale, rather than a social issue and fact. 

In addition to this, Starkey et. al (2019) talk about a study by Wallin, where they found that newspapers in the United States regarded the #MeToo movement as a “surprise movement”, whereas Swedish newspapers recognized #MeToo as a movement calling out long-standing societal issues. 

Starkey et. al (2019) used news stories from 2017-2018 to code four different media frames, which included: the brave silence breaker, the stoic victim, the reluctant hero, and the hysterical slut. For the U.S. specifically, the authors examine these frames in the case of Susan Fowler, who spoke up about the sexual abuse she faced as an employee at Uber, and found that while each frame was present, Fowler was labeled a whistle-blower by the media. They also found that due to the nature of power distance, individualism, and masculinity outlined above in the U.S., it would lead Fowler to being more likely to speak up about her experiences, but that she still faced backlash and was silenced when she first spoke up. 

This article is important and relevant to my paper because it provides a large insight into how cultural aspects like measures of power distance, individualism, and masculinity within a culture can affect its receptivity of movements. More specifically, the authors showcased that the neoliberal, misogynistic, patriarchal, and capitalistic nature of American culture and media played into how silence breakers and the overall #MeToo movement was received by the U.S. 

Starkey, Jesse C., Amy Koerber, Miglena Sternadori, and Bethany Pitchford. 2019. “#MeToo Goes Global: Media Framing of Silence Breakers in Four National Settings.” Journal of Communication Inquiry Volume 43(4): 437-461.

Written by: Lily Philbrook

At the beginning of the semester, my paper was more focused on gendered differences in policing of protests. However, my paper topic has switched to focusing on conducting a comparative analysis on women in the workplace in the United States and Sweden, how gendered workplace mistreatment affects women’s health, and the cultural receptivity of the U.S. and Sweden of the #MeToo movement. There will be three articles I will discuss within the next three substantive blog posts, with the first being Stubbs-Richardson et. al’s (2023) work on conducting a content analysis on social media around #MeToo in the U.S., China, and Sweden. 

Stubbs-Richardson et. al (2023) discuss #metoo on a global scale, #metoo in the U.S., China, and Sweden, and digital feminist activism. The paper then discusses their study, methods, data, and findings. On a global scale, #MeToo blossomed in 2017-2018, though it was coined by Tarana Burke in 2006, using the phrase to help other sexual assault survivors know they weren’t alone. One big push that caused #MeToo to sweep across the world and the internet is Alyssa Milano posting on Twitter about her experience as an actress, and asking others to speak out about their experiences as well. However, as the authors explain, #MeToo is affected by cultural receptivity, with some countries allowing more or less people to speak out about their experiences and deeming it important, worthy, or appropriate. 

This leads to Stubbs-Richardson et. al (2023) to introduce the U.S., China, and Sweden into their content analysis. #MeToo came from the U.S., with a focus on sexual abuse allegations of famous/wealthy people like Harvey Weinstein and Donald Trump. However, the authors contest that #MeToo gained traction and had its original foundation from previous anti-sexual violence movements in the U.S., ranging back to African American women fighting against sexual violence in slavery and segregation to the updated definition of rape in 2012. 

Stubbs-Richardson et. al (2023) talk about how in China, #MeToo faced many challenges, with most being due to China’s decreased cultural receptivity to feminism and activism. China is not only uber-traditional, but the state actively censors its citizens, and anything denoted as “Western” (like protesting against sexual violence). However, women in China have spoken out anyway, with the beginning of China’s #MeToo occurring in 2018 after Luo Quinqian posted about her experience of sexual violence. One of the ways women combatted censorship – trying to avoid having their posts taken down by the Chinese government – was to use the alternative #MiTu, which translates to “rice bunny”. 

Lastly, Stubbs-Richardson et. al (2023) provides a brief background on #MeToo in Sweden. They discuss how Sweden has increased cultural receptivity towards feminism and activism and has increased regulations to help ensure gender equality like paid parental leave. When #MeToo came about in Sweden, there was this feeling across the board that change needed to occur rapidly to address these issues, and many public figures contributed to the movement. There was a large amount of activism, with thousands of petitions shared across all social media. Additionally, there was almost no negativity found in news articles on the movement in Sweden, and Sweden passed the consent law in 2018. 

Stubbs-Richardson et. al (2023) gathered #MeToo data from a multitude of global social media sites, and ended up coding through almost 3,000 documents based on their country, famous person involved (like Trump), social change, and the type of sexual violence. They found that: most of the documents said social change occurred from the #MeToo movement and most of it was legally or criminally based; the U.S. saw more social change than China or Sweden; and differences in word popularity based on the word clouds they created. In the U.S. the most popular words were women, sexual, and Trump. In China, the perpetrators’ names surpassed the victims’ names, but it was reversed in Sweden. 

This article is extremely helpful to my analysis comparing the #MeToo movement in the United States and Sweden and the differences in their cultural receptivity towards the movement. As one of the largest reasons of why I chose to compare the U.S. to Sweden was due to their seemingly oppositional political stances – especially on gender equality and worker’s rights – this study not only confirms their differences, but showcases that while Sweden seems highly progressive, there are still many issues that need to be adequately and appropriately addressed. This study showcased that while the movement started out in the U.S., it is still surprising the amount of social change that people attribute to the movement within the U.S. Conversely, Sweden’s laws of not allowing to mention perpetrators’ names – and how the court treated the victims – allows for a victim-blaming culture to thrive, with focus remaining on victims’ names and actions rather than the perpetrator.

Stubbs-Richardson, Megan, Shelby Gilbreath, MacKenzie Paul, and Audrey Reid. 2023. “It’s a Global #MeToo: A Cross-National Comparison of Social Change Associated With the Movement.” Feminist Media Studies 1-20.

Written by: Lily Philbrook

In this article, CNN explores the relationship between climate change and inequality, explaining that climate change exacerbates societal issues, including gender inequality. They explore girl’s education in Nigeria, food insecurity in Brazil, human trafficking in the Philippines, maternal health in Pakistan, migration in Guatemala, child marriage in Bangladesh, and gender-based violence in Kenya. 

In Nigeria, more than half of the girls in certain parts of the country attend school, and as climate crises such as flash flooding increases, so does absenteeism. In Brazil, women who use the Amazon rainforest to harvest natural resources (to eat, make into things, and/or sell) are trying to push back against corporate deforestation. In the Philippines – as we read in Parrenas’ Unfree – women live in poverty, leading them to be more vulnerable and susceptible to human trafficking and exploitation. CNN states that women’s increased state of poverty and human trafficking is at least partially due to the increased experiences of typhoons and hurricanes in this region of the world, which is due to climate change. In Pakistan, rising temperatures lead to increased stillbirths, premature births, lower birth weights, health problems like fainting and dehydration, and health concerns for the mother and her child trying to survive in the heat post-delivery. 

In Guatemala, the rainy season is now starting later and ruining harvests, which ruins prospects for business and livelihood. While the men in this region migrate to find financial opportunities, women have to stay home, take care of the family, and find resources to live. In Bangladesh, as climate crises increase and devastate the country, families face increasing pressures to find resources to live, leading to increased child marriage. Lastly, the people in Kenya face climate extremes, bouncing from drought to floods. With most of the country relying on farming, this yo-yoing from one to the other decreases their chance for successful harvests. This leads to increased stress and aggravation, adding increased risk for violence against women. 

While some of these effects are indirect and many of these issues are multi-dimensional, we can see the linkage between climate change and how it at least exacerbates societal issues that are already there. Knowing this can help government officials understand that when we put time and money towards reducing climate change and its impact, we are creating positive (generational) impacts for everyday citizens and other societal issues as well.

Link to article

Written by: Lily Philbrook

Last week, Russia’s supreme court banned LGBTQ+ activism, labeling it an extremist movement. A few days after the news broke, Russian police started raiding LGBTQ+ venues, claiming that it was a drug raid. During these raids, the police checked and took pictures of those they found in these clubs. There have been many LGBTQ+ venues who have closed down because of the law, given the vagueness of the law. 

While there are many things going on in the world right now, we can not neglect important news like this. When one country takes drastic actions like this, we must pay attention and take note.

Link to article

Written by: Lily Philbrook

In our class, we have read numerous papers on varying feminist theories. The feminist theories we have covered include intersectionality, lesbianism, orientalism, and more. Additionally, we have read the book Unfree: Migrant Domestic Work in Arab States by Rhacel Parrenas. This book studies the livelihood of female domestic workers in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), providing evidence and showcasing how to measure good/safe employment in this line of work. In this op-ed, I want to focus on Kandiyoti’s paper on “Bargaining with Patriarchy” and how domestic workers in the UAE resist their subjugation and increase their opportunities/livelihood by bargaining with their employer. 

In Unfree, Parrenas talks about how these domestic workers face a different kind of inequality. This inequality, dubbed by Parrenas as “unfreedom”, is different because these workers immigrate from the Phillipines to the UAE. The conditions at their home in the Philippines has them starting from a point of unfreedom, as there are no opportunities for success or a great life. This leads many women to having to leave their families and children behind in search of gainful employment. Since there are recruiting agencies who specifically seek these kinds of women in these kinds of situations who are sent to the Philippines, it is proposed to these women as a great option. They are told that they should pray to get a good employer. 

In Unfree, Parrenas identifies three ways in which domestic workers are treated by employers. They are either treated like children that must be constantly watched over and told what to do, recognized as adults with needs and wants and provided with an actual livelihood, or completely disregarded and abused. While Parrenas tells us that abuse is not common and most of the women are either treated like a child or recognized as a human, she brings in the concept of “unfreedom”. Because these women travel from afar and have no way to control their life without repercussions or surveillance by their employer, plus the UAE and Philippine government essentially do nothing to protect these workers, even the nicest employer could turn on their employee at any time. Imagine that you are living in a strange place with a strange family, they treat you nicely and you do the work, and one day they tell you that they will no longer allow breaks, holidays, food, a bed, pay you on time, let you have your passport, or they start to emotionally/physically abuse you. And you can’t do anything about any of it. 

Patriarchal bargaining comes into play here as seemingly the only route to combat this compromised position that the domestic workers face. Kandiyoti paints this picture that patriarchal bargaining is when women use the patriarchy to their advantage, using information and manipulation to gain power and opportunities. While Kandiyoti is mainly examining this theory within cases of “classic patriarchy” – a patriarchal system in which a woman is married off, has no possessions or wealth of her own because of this, moves in with her in-laws, and the one who assumes control over her is the mother-in-law – we can see it working throughout Parrenas exploration of how these workers navigate the system in the UAE. 

One example of this kind of bargaining is when workers tell their employers that they know of other workers getting paid more, doing the same or similar things as them. In the book, there are several employers that Parrenas talks to who go so far as to boast how good of an employer they are, and if their employee came to them talking about pay in this way, they would likely increase their pay to maintain their status as a good employer. Other examples include employees bargaining with their employer about getting more days off, visiting family, and more. 

This form of patriarchal bargaining that the domestic workers use in the UAE is important to note and follow for the same reason that Kandiyoti studied this in the first place – to showcase that women don’t just take injustice and inequality “lying down”. In fact, activism comes in many different forms in our daily lives, in ways that most people wouldn’t recognize. There is obvious power in a picket line and boycotting, but there is also power in using your current position to shift norms and allowances. Furthermore, many people simply aren’t in the position to throw away their financial stability (which their families back home also rely upon), so bargaining is not only effective, but less risky.  

Written by: Lily Philbrook

The UNRWA – United Nations Relief and Works Agency – is said to run out of fuel supply in three days, according to the Director-General Philippe Lazzarini today in a press conference. The UNRWA provides relief for Palestinian refugees. Without fuel, the UNRWA cannot perform its job and provide aid to its fullest extent. With it being such a large component in relief for Gaza, the effects of this would be highly detrimental. Additionally, the news article states that 29 staff members have been killed and 17 injured in the area. With violence increasing daily, relief is necessary to help sustain the community.

News Article

Written by: Lily Philbrook

The Human Rights Campaign has now enacted a “national state of emergency for LGBTQ+ people”. This came about because of the FBI’s 2022 Annual Crime Report that came out about a week ago. This crime report reports data on crimes ranging from homicides to property crimes, and includes data on hate crimes. The 2022 annual crime report showcased drastic increases in hate crimes centered around gender identity, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity. The race and ethnicity hate crime category is still the largest category. The sexual orientation hate crime category increased by 13.8% from the year before. The gender identity hate crime category increased by 32.9% from the year before.

The importance of this can not be lost on us amidst the legislative crisis that is facing members of the LGBTQ+ community right now. Hundreds of anti-LGBTQ+ bills have been introduced across the United States, with 80 being signed into law. With increased legislation, politicalization, and media sensationalization around LGBTQ+ issues, combined with this heightened level of hate crimes, the safety of LGBTQ+ citizens has reached a critical point. Given the presidential election coming up next year, this is an even more pertinent issue.

News Article 

Written by: Lily Philbrook

For my paper, I’m wanting to explore the intersection between police response towards protests and gender. I think that global cultural differences create differences in policing, due to different status quo objectives. Essentially, policing of protests escalates as the perceived power/threat of the protest increases (against the status quo). For example, while in the U.S. women’s marches do not seem to hold much power/threat towards perpetuating status quo (White supremacy, keeping elites in their positions, etc), in other countries, women’s rights could be perceived as directly dismantling their society – as seen in Iran.

While trying to identify the amount of power women’s rights activists/movements have in Iran, I came across an article in UCJC Business and Society Review by Pilar Rodriguez Martinez. This article explores the relationship between culture and how much confidence citizens have in women’s organizations, indicating how much power those kinds of organizations have in those areas. The author explains in addition to cultural differences, economic differences play into the equation as well, stating that there are survival and self-expression value differences amongst these countries. Places that have survival values are more traditional, while places that have self-expression values are more secular (essentially, a discussion around postmaterialism and it being tied to places with higher economic and physical security/stability).

This feeds directly into my paper, showcasing that places that have survival values are more traditional and economically unstable/insecure would view women’s protests as more controversial and threatening, as these views would directly dismantle their whole value system. This would lead to a more aggressive police response than what would be seen in more stable places who hold self-expression values.

Citation:

Rodriguez Martinez, Pilar. 2023. “Culturalist Explanations and Confidence in Women’s Organizations According to the World Values Survey (2017-2020).” UCJC Business and Society Review Volume 20: 114-159.